Globalized
Grizzlies,
by Michael
S. Coffman, PHD
On June 17th, the
U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS)
conducted a public hearing in Bozeman,
Montana regarding the proposed Grizzly
Bear Recovery Plan. That plan would create
32 million acres of "protected recovery
zones" in at least six regions, which
would be connected by migratory corridors
¾ one of which
is 240 miles long. It also called for the
recovery of all grizzly bear populations
in Montana, Wyoming, Idaho, Washington,
and possibly Colorado, and the eventual
connection of "island" bear populations
with other grizzly populations across the
affected areas.
Obviously, such an ambitious plan is
fraught with implications for private
property rights, economic development, the
security of livestock, and even the
physical safety of residents in the
affected areas. Curiously, however, the
FWS did not bother to inform any of the
affected parties. Representatives of
natural resource industries and local
landowners were not notified of the
hearing at all and were denied information
about the meeting until they found out
about it from independent sources.
However, six weeks before the scheduled
meeting, the FWS solicited testimony from
self-described environmental groups about
the proposed recovery plan. Among those
invited to create public policy were the
Greater Yellowstone Coalition, the Sierra
Club, the Wilderness Society, and Wild
Forever.
The FWS tapped Louisa Willcox, a founder
of the eco-terrorist group Earth First!
and project coordinator for Wild Forever,
to preside over the meeting's speaker
agenda. In a coordinated fashion,
environmental groups asked that roadless
areas be kept roadless, that roaded public
lands be reduced below one mile of road
per square mile, that grizzly bear
recovery zones be doubled in size to over
50,000 square miles, that grizzly bear
habitat be connected with corridors, and
that grizzly bear food sources and habitat
be protected from human disturbance.
While eco-terrorists and their allies were
treated with respectful attention by the
FWS, the original agenda of the meeting
was intended to prevent property owners
and resource industry spokesmen from
testifying. It was only through the
persistence of Joe Beardsley, a private
citizen, that the FWS was shamed into
giving him and a few other local citizens
about 30 minutes for spontaneous testimony
¾ a token
concession at best, given the
well-orchestrated five-hour tag-team
effort by the radical environmentalists.
The June 17th meeting typifies the method
of "governance" being devised to implement
radical environmental policies across the
United States, and the demands presented
by the federally approved eco-radicals are
in harmony with a long-term design to
eradicate private property and industrial
civilization from at least half of the
continental U.S. That design entails the
systematic subversion of the U.S.
Constitution and the surrender of our
sovereignty to the United Nations in the
name of protecting "biodiversity."
From Rumor to Reality
During a March 7th White House press
conference, journalist Sara McClendon
asked the President to rebuke the "rumor
mongerers" who were irresponsibly
subverting public serenity by spreading
stories that the Administration is
surrendering U.S. sovereignty to the
United Nations. "Large segments of our
citizens believe that the United Nations
is taking over whole blocks of counties in
Kentucky and Tennessee," McClendon pointed
out. Amid snickers from the assembled
reporters ¾
which he had abetted with his theatrical
display of incredulity
¾ Mr. Clinton responded, "We're all
laughing about it, but there is not an
insubstantial number of people who believe
that there is a plan out there for world
domination and I'm trying to give American
sovereignty over to the UN." Having
invited the press to ridicule such
apprehensions, Mr. Clinton promptly
proceeded to vindicate them: "For people
that are worried about it, I would say
there is a serious issue here that every
American has to come to grips with ... and
that is, how can we be an independent,
sovereign nation leading the world in a
world that is increasingly interdependent,
that requires us to cooperate with other
people and then to deal with very
difficult circumstances in trying to
determine how best to cooperate?"
Mr. Clinton's response might well have
been adapted from Our Global Neighborhood,
the 1995 report from the UN-funded
Commission on Global Governance, which
asserts that a "thickening web of
interdependence requires that countries
work together .... In an increasingly
interdependent world ... the notions of
territoriality, independence, and
non-intervention have lost some of their
meaning. In certain areas, sovereignty
must be exercised collectively,
particularly in respect to the global
commons" ¾ that
is, the global environment. The UN and the
Clinton Administration share the
assumption that the management of the
"commons" requires the incremental
surrender of U.S. sovereignty and the
restructuring of the American way of life.
It was that assumption that led to the
Administration's decision to ask the UN to
designate Yellowstone National Park and
Everglades National Park as "World
Heritage Sites in Danger"
¾ thus imposing
new restrictions on human use of those
sites. The same vision of collective
management of the "global commons" informs
the deliberations of the President's
Council on Sustainable Development (PCSD),
which is weaving UN guidelines into U.S.
policies on land use, resource
development, and population. And,
notwithstanding Mr. Clinton's evasions,
there is indeed a master plan behind the
Administration's environmental agenda
¾ if not a plan
for "world domination," then at least a
plan to eradicate modern industrial
civilization.
Back to 1492
The master plan is called the "Wildlands
Project," a grandiose design to transform
at least half the land area of the
continental United States into an immense
"eco-park" cleansed of modern industry and
private property. The Wildlands concept is
largely the work of Dave Foreman, the
principal founder of the eco-terrorist
group Earth First! Foreman describes the
Wildlands Project as an effort to "tie the
North American continent into a single
Biodiversity Preserve"; the Project's
official publication, Wild Earth, refers
to a "long-term master plan" to connect
ecosystems throughout the continent "until
the matrix, not just the nexus, is wild."
Foreman summarizes Wildlands as "a bold
attempt to grope our way back to 1492"
¾ that is, to
repeal a half-millennium of biblical
civilization, with its unique blessings of
material prosperity, technological
progress, private property, and individual
rights.
According to Foreman, Wildlands activists
would "identify existing protected areas"
such as federal and state wilderness
areas, parks, refuges, and other
designated sites; such tracts would serve
as "core areas" completely off-limits to
human activity. Then the agitators would
demand the creation of "buffer zones" to
protect the core areas. Wildlands
architect Reed Noss explains that in both
the core and buffer areas, "the collective
needs of non-human species must take
precedence over the needs and desires of
humans."
The next step is to create "wildlife
corridors" connecting the protected areas.
Once this is accomplished, according to
Foreman, Wildlands activists would "look
for gaps between wild lands or public
lands" for future acquisition "by public
agencies or by private groups like the
Nature Conservancy." In this way, private
lands would be steadily absorbed into the
Wildlands scheme "until the matrix, not
just the nexus, is wild."
John Davis, editor of Wild Earth,
acknowledges that the Wildlands Project
seeks nothing less than "the end of
industrial civilization .... Everything
civilized must go...." In this bizarre
scheme, human civilization must be
radically reconfigured, roads must be torn
from the landscape, and human populations
must be relocated. All of this is to be
done, according to Wildlands board member
Michael Soule, in harmony with a prophetic
vision: "The oracles are the fishes of the
river, the fishers of the forest, and
articulate toads. Our naturalists and
conservation biologists can help us
translate their utterances. Our
spokespersons, fund-raisers, and
grass-roots organizers will show us how to
implement their sage advice." All of this
could be dismissed as flatly ridiculous,
were it not for three ominous facts:
· First, the Wildlands
Project can boast scores of affiliates
who are (in Foreman's words) developing
"Wilderness Recovery Networks on the
regional and ecosystem level using the
[Wildlands] model ... so that such plans
can dovetail into similar plans for
adjacent regions until the
continent-wide plan is assembled." In
other words, Wildlands isn't just a
malignant daydream, but an unfolding
campaign that is speeding across America
like a cancer.
· Second, the UN
Convention on Biodiversity, which was
signed by Bill Clinton in 1993 but has
yet to be ratified by the Senate,
effectively mandates implementation of
the Wildlands Project.
· Third, despite the
refusal of the Senate to ratify the
Biodiversity Treaty, the Clinton
Administration is eagerly implementing
its provisions through executive action
and bureaucratic fiat.
Nature Knows Best?!
On January 19, 1996, President Clinton
issued Executive Order (EO) 12986, which
stated, in part: "I hereby extend to the
International Union for Conservation of
Nature and Natural Resources [IUCN] the
privileges and immunities that provide or
pertain to immunity from suit .... This
designation is not intended to abridge in
any respect privileges, exemptions, or
immunities that the International Union
for the Conservation of Nature and Natural
Resources may have acquired or may acquire
by international agreements or by
congressional action." Few Americans have
ever heard of EO 12986; fewer still could
identify the IUCN or explain why it
merited such privileged treatment by the
President. Simply put, the IUCN is one of
the UN's major instruments in creating and
implementing global environmental policy
¾ and Mr.
Clinton's executive order was intended to
insulate it from legal accountability.
The IUCN is an accredited scientific
advisory body to the United Nations, and
has more than 880 state and federal
governmental agency and non-governmental
organization (NGO) members in 133
countries. As of fiscal year 1993, the
IUCN was receiving over $1.2 million
annually in taxpayer subsidies by way of
the U.S. State Department. The body's
official mission is "to influence,
encourage and assist societies throughout
the world to conserve the integrity and
diversity of nature and to ensure that any
use of natural resources is equitable and
ecologically sustainable."
Of course, the IUCN promotes a very
peculiar vision of "equity,"
"sustainability," and natural "diversity."
The Spring 1996 issue of the IUCN's Ethics
Working Group's publication, Earth Ethics,
candidly admits that the IUCN "promotes
alternative models for sustainable
communities and lifestyles, based in
ecospiritual practice and principles ...
to accelerate our transition to a just and
sustainable future ... humanity must
undergo a radical change in its attitudes,
values, and behavior .... In response to
this situation, a new global ethics is
taking form, and it is finding expression
in international law."
Despite its pretensions to being a
scientific body, the IUCN eschews the
scientific method when doing so is
convenient. The organization's Commission
on Environmental Strategy and Planning
(CESP), for example, claims a mandate to
"change human behavior" by using a
strategy "based less on the facts ... than
on the values they hold." Indeed, the
IUCN's entire approach to conserving the
"integrity and diversity of nature" is
based not on facts, but on essentially
religious theories of conservation biology
and "island biogeography." Those theories
are themselves rooted in a version of
pantheism ¾ the
belief that nature is God and therefore
knows best, and that all human activity
leads to "fragmentation" of ecosystems,
which in turn leads to a depletion of
biodiversity. Fragmentation leaves
"islands" of undisturbed ecosystems that
supposedly are too small to maintain
biodiversity. Protecting and expanding
those "islands" of biodiversity thus
becomes imperative, as does connecting
those "islands" by "wildlife corridors";
thus the basic template of the Wildlands
Project is directly derived from the
1UCN's "ecospiritual" assumptions.
From Myth to Public Policy
The idea that the continent was
an unspoiled, verdant paradise teeming
with biodiversity before the advent of the
Europeans has a certain romance, and it is
easy to sell that fantasy to the
ill-informed urban and suburban
populations who provide much of the
political support for radical
environmentalism. But fantasy makes a poor
foundation for public policy, and top
peer-reviewed scientists have dispelled
the myths behind the IUCN's "ecospiritual"
science. In 1986, B.L. Zimmerman and R.O.
Bierregaard published a highly critical
analysis of this approach in the Journal
of Biogeography. "The equilibrium theory
of island biogeography and associated
species area relations have been promoted
as theoretical bases for design of nature
[wilderness] reserves," note the
well-respected authors. "However, the
theory has not been properly validated and
the practical value of biogeographic
principles for conservation remains
unknown." In simpler terms, the assumption
that human activity has "fragmented" vast,
connected ecosystems has never been
scientifically corroborated.
Similar admissions have come from noted
conservation biologists who are
sympathetic to the IUCN's basic
assumptions. In 1992, conservation
biologists Daniel Simberloff, James Farr,
James Cox, and David Mehlman acknowledged
in the Journal of Conservation Biology
that even while the IUCN was popularizing
island biogeography and the need for
reserves and corridors, "the theory was
increasingly heavily criticized ... as
inapplicable to most of nature, largely
because local population extinction was
not demonstrated .... No unified theory
combines genetic, demographic, and other
forces threatening small populations, nor
is there accord on the relative importance
of these threats .... There are still few
data, and many widely cited reports are
unconvincing." A similar finding was
published by Richard Hobbs in Tree
magazine. According to Hobbs, "natural
corridors, along with other principles of
reserve design, have been quoted in policy
documents and textbooks, despite being
supported by few empirical [real] data at
the time, and being subject to
considerable debate since."
In other words, there is simply no
reliable scientific evidence to support
the IUCN's basic assumptions. In fact,
over the past half-dozen years, abundant
research has clearly shown that in most
cases, creating wilderness core reserves
and corridors causes critical biological
diversity to plummet. In spite of all
this, the IUCN has developed and heavily
promoted both its own unreliable theories
of conservation biology since the 1970s,
and played a key role in the development
of the Wildlands Project as a means of
implementing those theories.
The Wildlands Project requires the
designation of "core areas" around which
can be constructed the network of "buffer
zones" and "wildlife corridors" that will
reprimitivize the land. This is why the
IUCN, acting upon its own discredited
scientific theories, helped develop and
promote the UNESCO-sponsored Man and
Biosphere Program (MAB) and the UN's World
Heritage Convention, Convention on
Biological Diversity, and Convention on
Desertification ¾
all of which are intended to be vehicles
for transforming the IUCN/UN
"ecospiritual" view into law.
The IUCN is obviously less interested in
"facts" than in "values," and the
organization and its allies perceive
themselves to be a priestly elite. In the
very first issue of the IUCN journal
Conservation Biology, this elitist
arrogance is on full display: "By joining
together those who are [wise], the worst
biological disaster in the last 65 million
years can be averted. We assume that
environmental wounds inflicted by ignorant
humans and destructive technologies can be
treated by wiser humans."
The IUCN-inspired college textbook
Conservation Biology reveals that these
"wiser humans" are literally at war with
"ignorant humans": "Conservation biology
is a crisis discipline. Warfare is the
epitome of a crisis discipline. On a
battlefield you are justified in firing on
the advancing enemy."
Of particular concern is the fact that the
IUCN has conscripted various federal
agencies and NGOs as allies into its war
against "ignorant humans," and the IUCN's
coalition is developing joint strategies
to implement the "ecospiritual" theology
through international law. Through the
IUCN, government agencies such as the U.S.
Fish & Wildlife Service, the Park Service,
the Forest Service, the National Oceanic
and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
can huddle in private with the Society of
Conservation Biology, the Sierra Club, the
Nature Conservancy, the National Wildlife
Federation, the National Audubon Society,
the Natural Resources Defense Council, and
the Environmental Defense Fund to develop
strategies for the implementation of their
shared religious beliefs. And through EO
12986, the IUCN was immunized from legal
accountability for any injuries it
inflicts on private property owners in the
course of its war against "ignorant
humans."
The World Heritage Treaty
As noted above, IUCN has been instrumental
in creating and promoting the U.S.
government's Man and Biosphere Program
(MAB) and the World Heritage Convention,
and both of those international agreements
have proven quite useful in implementing
the Wildlands agenda. Areas that are
inscribed as MAB or World Heritage Sites
are prime candidates to become "core
areas" for the Wildlands Project. This is
especially true of Heritage sites. As was
pointed out in the October 6, 1992 issue
of Environment magazine, designation of
Heritage sites "constitutes a unique
precedent [as it] implies what might be
called a voluntary limitation of
sovereignty" and a recognition that "other
countries have, through the [World
Heritage] convention, an obligation
¾ and therefore
a right ¾
toward these sites."
The World Heritage Convention was ratified
by the Senate in 1973; the MAB program was
unilaterally implemented by the State
Department through "memoranda of
understandings" without input or oversight
by Congress. Both programs have been
secretly implemented by federal and state
bureaucrats in collusion with NGOs and
with little or no input from local
citizenry ¾ and
such secrecy is actually mandated by
policy guidelines. Paragraph 14 of the
1994 Operational Guidelines for the World
Heritage Convention states, "To avoid
possible embarrassment to those concerned,
state parties [to the convention] should
refrain from giving undue publicity to the
fact that a property has been nominated
for inscription pending the final decision
of the committee on the nomination in
question. "In other words, the UN insists
that sites be nominated for international
control without public notice
¾ meaning that
U.S. citizens can wake up one morning to
discover that their back yard has been
designated a UN Heritage site.
|
Even more ominous is the fact that the UN
claims the right of circumventing elected
representatives altogether in designating
Biosphere Reserves. UNESCO's 1995 Seville
Agreement for Biosphere Reserves states
that "national or local NGOs could be
appropriate substitutes" for national or
local governments in identifying and
designating such sites. In practice, this
would empower unaccountable eco-socialist
lobbies such as the Sierra Club, the
National Wildlife Federation, and others
to actually substitute for elected federal
and local governments in designating and
administering Biosphere Reserves. Through
such secretive machinations, an
archipelago of 47 Biosphere Reserves and
20 World Heritage Sites occupying over 50
million acres of U.S. soil has already
been established without local
participation or congressional oversight.
In the mid-1980s, as a result of this
covert campaign, entrance signs to
national parks and monuments suddenly
announced that those areas had been
designated as UN Biosphere Reserves or
World Heritage Sites. Given that these
designations had ¾
in compliance with UN guidelines
¾ been arranged
in secret without public input, they
alarmed the public, and rumors began to
spread that our Parks and Monuments had
been surrendered to UN control. This is
not entirely true: The relevant documents
concerning these programs specify that the
U.S. maintains sovereignty within the
designated areas.
However, this begs the question: How is
"sovereignty" defined in this context?
While there is no evidence that the United
Nations has ever made a direct management
decision for any U.S. sites, it is clear
that the federal government bound itself
to international agreements stipulating
that the United States would manage these
lands according to international dictates
in order to achieve certain international
goals and objectives. In other words, the
United States has agreed to limit its
right of sovereignty over these lands by
deferring to international mandates. In
effect, the federal government is
implementing mandates from the UN, just as
state governments are compelled to
implement unconstitutional mandates from
the federal government.
Trumping U.S. Law
An example of this process in action
unfolded in 1995, when George Frampton,
Under Secretary of Interior and past
president of the Wilderness Society,
invited a delegation from the United
Nations into Yellowstone National Park for
the specific purpose of declaring
Yellowstone a World Heritage Site "in
danger." The declaration was intended to
stop the development of a gold mine
located about five miles from the
northeast corner of Yellowstone National
Park. Providing "pressure from below" on
behalf of the UN/Clinton Administration
initiative was a group of more than a
dozen environmental groups that called
itself the Greater Yellowstone Coalition,
which "petitioned" for the site to be
recognized by the UN as "in danger."
This effort was undertaken, as
environmental analyst Alston Chase
observed, because the Clinton
Administration feared that "U.S. law would
not prevent a planned gold mine near
Yellowstone National Park...." The company
seeking to build the mine was in
compliance with both state and federal
guidelines, and was nearing completion of
the torturous, two-year process of filing
state and federal environmental impact
statements. Accordingly, the Clintonites
and their eco-extremist allies simply
threw out U.S. law and enlisted the UN to
shut down the mine in the name of
enforcing global law.
"As ratified by Congress, the provisions
of the World Heritage Treaty have the
force and statutory authority of federal
law," insisted Yellowstone Park
Superintendent Mike Finley. "By inviting
the committee to visit the park and assess
the mine's potential impacts, the Interior
Department acted as it was legally
required to do." Finley failed to explain
why the Park Service automatically assumes
that the provisions of the World Heritage
Treaty, which lacks federal implementing
legislation, nonetheless have the force
and statutory authority of federal law. He
also declined to enlighten the public as
to why the Park Service waited two years
before requesting a review of the mine by
the World Heritage Committee
¾ then did so
only after it became apparent that the
state and federal environmental studies
would likely find no environmental
problems with the mine development.
Property Rights Peril
UNESCO's December 1995 designation of
Yellowstone as a World Heritage Site "in
danger" did much more than merely shut
down a gold mine; it also opened the door
for the federal government to redefine
land-use policy for all private property
in what was called the "Greater
Yellowstone Ecosystem." The area
originally affected by the planned
designation was a mere 4,400 acres of
federal land near the park. In August
1995, a presidential decree materialized
in the Federal Register more than
quadrupling the affected acreage: 19,000
acres were to be declared off limits to
mining permits. However, as environmental
attorney William Perry Pendley points out,
UNESCO sought to review all policies
dealing with mining, timber, wildlife, and
tourism within the newly designated "core
area" ¾ "which
takes in about 75 percent of the economy"
¾ and also the
impact of human activity in the "Greater
Yellowstone Ecosystem" which includes the
two million acres of the park and the 18
million acres surrounding it. "If the UN
is given the power to set policy in
Yellowstone and the region," Pendley
warned, "property rights will be in peril
throughout the Western United States...."
The same strategy has been used elsewhere.
In 1993, Everglades National Park was
recognized by the World Heritage Committee
as a Heritage Site "in danger." Since that
time, farmers north of the Everglades have
been besieged by an onslaught of
regulations and restrictions that have
shut down scientifically sound
agricultural conservation practices. In
keeping with the disdain for hard science
displayed by the IUCN, the Park Service,
Vice President Gore, and radical
environmental organizations have indulged
in high-octane rhetoric about the threats
to an "international heritage site
belonging to all people" that have
supposedly resulted from irresponsible use
of surrounding private property.
In a fashion reminiscent of the Soviet
Union, the eco-bureaucracy punished a
scientist whose findings were at odds with
public policy regarding the Everglades.
Dr. Curtis Richardson of Duke University,
who had been given a federal contract to
study the magnitude of the pollution
problem in the Everglades, was suddenly
terminated in 1991 after his study
concluded that the "Everglades have been,
and are now, receiving excellent quality
water." Upstream farming, in other words,
was not significantly contributing to the
problem. Had the Park Service accepted Dr.
Richardson's findings, it would not have
been able to justify the "in danger"
status for the park. Accordingly, it
dismissed the study, fired Dr. Richardson,
and ¾ in a
gesture worthy of Stalin
¾ barred the
researcher from entering the park.
Not surprisingly, both Biosphere Reserves
and World Heritage Sites are strategically
linked to the Wildlands Project. The MAB
Strategic Plan specifies: "Each biosphere
reserve includes three types of areas: one
or more securely 'Protected Areas,' [Core
Reserves] such as wilderness areas or
nature reserves, for conservation and
monitoring of minimally disturbed
ecosystems; 'Managed Use Areas,' [Buffer
Zones] usually surrounding or adjoining
the protected areas, where experimental
research, educational activities, public
recreation, and various economic
activities occur according to ecological
principles; and 'Zones of Cooperation,'
[Transition Areas] which are open-ended
areas of cooperation .... Connected by
corridors judiciously linking different
ecological units within the urban-rural
and terrestrial/marine landscape,
biosphere reserves could provide the most
viable means for the long-term protection
of biodiversity." It is difficult to find
a plainer reiteration of the basic
Wildlands design.
Similarly, paragraphs 17 and 44 from the
"Operating Guidelines" for the World
Heritage program stipulate, "An adequate
'buffer zone' around a property should be
provided and should be afforded the
necessary protection .... [Buffer zones]
should include sufficient areas
immediately adjacent to the area of
outstanding universal value in order to
protect the site ... from direct human
encroachment and impacts of resource use
outside of the nominated area. The
boundaries of the nominated site may
coincide with one or more existing or
proposed protected areas, such as national
parks or biosphere reserves."
Biological Diversity
Although proponents of the Wildlands
Project are willing to pursue their
designs incrementally, they obviously
would prefer the power to implement the
entire program immediately. This was the
design behind the UN's Convention on
Biological Diversity, which was signed by
President Clinton in 1993. It is therefore
highly revealing that the first goal of
the UNESCO Seville Strategy for Biosphere
Reserves is to "promote biosphere reserves
as a means of implementing the goals of
the [UN] Convention on Biological
Diversity." Similarly, the U.S. Man and
the Biosphere Strategy claims that "U.S.
Biosphere Reserves are important areas for
developing the data, technology, and
experience needed to implement the
recommendations of the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development
that relate to global issues, such as
biodiversity, climate change,
desertification, forest management, and
sustainable new development."
The
Biodiversity Treaty, which was essentially
written for the UN by the IUCN, would
permit an undefined and unaccountable
global bureaucracy to regulate all human
activity that presents potential harm to
biological diversity. In principle, this
mandate would cover all human activity,
given that almost anything that humans do
is deemed by the IUCN as harmful to
biological diversity. The text of the
treaty itself was merely a skimpy
framework, or what Senator Jesse Helms
(R-NC) correctly called "a preamble
falsely described as a treaty." The Senate
was asked to authorize the creation of
implementing "protocols" which would be
written later and be binding upon the
signatories. The specific terms of the
treaty were to be explained in detail in a
1,140-page Global Biodiversity Assessment
(GBA) produced by the IUCN in
collaboration with the UN Environmental
Programme (UNEP).
The Senate was poised to ratify the
Biodiversity Treaty in September 1994 when
the American Sheep Industry obtained a
draft of the GBA from the IUCN. Section
10.4.2.2.3 of the draft GBA (Section
13.4.2.2.3 in the final document) provided
the "smoking gun": It proved the Wildlands
Project to be the template for protecting
biodiversity. To carry out the terms of
the Treaty, according to the GBA,
"Representative areas of all major
ecosystems in a region need to be
reserved," and such "[reserved] blocks
should be as large as possible ... buffer
zones should be established around core
areas and ... corridors should connect
these areas. This basic design is central
to the Wildlands Project in the United
States ... a controversial ... strategy
... to expand natural habitats and
corridors to cover as much as 30% of the
US land area." In fact, Wildlands would
reprimitivize no less than 50 percent of
the U.S. land area.
Hostility to Western Values
In addition, the GBA documented that the
Biodiversity Treaty is a testament to the
pantheistic worldview championed by the
IUCN and its allies ¾
and that it is militantly hostile to any
monotheistic tradition, and to the
Bible-based Western worldview in
particular. The biblical worldview,
according to the GBA, "is characterized by
the denial of sacred attributes of nature
... [which] became firmly established
about 2000 years [ago] with the
Judeo-Christian-Islamic religious
traditions .... Societies dominated by
Islam, and especially Christianity, have
gone farthest in setting humans apart from
nature."
By way of contrast, the UN study
continues, "the worldview of traditional
societies tends to be strikingly different
from the modem worldview. They [IUCN
proponents] tend to view themselves as
members of a community that not only
includes other humans, but also plants and
animals as well as rocks, springs and
pools. People are then members of a
community of beings ¾
living and non-living. Thus rivers may be
viewed as mothers. Animals may be treated
as kin." Like the Wildlands Project, which
seeks to turn the clock back to the
pre-Columbian era, the Biodiversity Treaty
is intended to eradicate Western culture
and exalt a pagan worldview in which
humans enjoy no special status in nature.
Hours before the scheduled vote, three
groups ¾ the
American Sheep Industry, Environmental
Perspectives, Inc., and the Maine
Conservation Rights Institute
¾ provided the
U.S. Senate with a draft copy of the GBA,
along with maps depicting the impact that
implementation of the Wildlands Project
would have on the U.S. The documentation
was introduced on the Senate floor by
Senator Kay Bailey Hutchinson (R-TX) on
September 30, 1994, one hour before the
scheduled cloture vote that would have cut
off all debate on the treaty. Senate
Majority Leader George Mitchell (D-ME)
responded by quietly removing the treaty
from floor consideration. This was
particularly dramatic in light of the fact
that the UN had consistently lied about
the GBA, repeatedly telling the Senate
that no draft of the document existed and
that there were no plans to create one.
Ignoring the law
But the Clinton Administration, the UN,
and its radical eco-allies are not about
to be deterred by their defeat in the
Senate. In August 1993, the EPA published
a Working Document outlining the
Administration's environmental strategy:
"Natural resource and environmental
agencies ... should ... develop a joint
strategy to help the United States fulfill
its existing international obligations
(e.g. Convention on Biological Diversity,
Agenda 21) .... The executive branch
should direct federal agencies to evaluate
national policies ... in light of
international policies and obligations,
and to amend national policies to achieve
international objectives.
"The "Agenda 21" document referred to is
the mammoth blueprint for global
eco-socialism unveiled at the 1992 UN
"Earth Summit" in Rio de Janeiro. It sets
forth (in the words of Daniel Sitarz, who
edited the mass-marketed edition of the
document) "an array of actions which are
intended to be implemented by every person
on earth," a plan which "will require a
profound reorientation of all human
society, unlike anything the world has
ever experienced." Thus, by its own
admission, the Clinton Administration
clearly recognizes an "international
obligation" to carry out a UN-mandated
"profound reorientation" of American
society. Furthermore, notwithstanding the
Senate's refusal to ratify the
Biodiversity Treaty, elements of that
treaty have simply been written into
administrative policies governing the Park
Service, the Fish and Wildlife Service,
the EPA, and the Bureau of Land
Management. The Clinton Administration has
also arranged public subsidies for radical
environmental groups that are agitating
for implementation of local and regional
versions of the Wildlands design. And as
documented above, both the MAB and World
Heritage programs are explicitly carrying
out the elements of the Wildlands Project.
However, resistance to those designs has
been steadily growing. As Americans have
learned of the dangers presented by
Heritage sites and Biosphere Reserves,
they have organized to block any new
designations. In the last several years,
grassroots activists prevented the
designations of a Catskills Biosphere
Reserve in New York and an Ozarks
Highlands Biosphere Reserve in Southern
Missouri and Northern Arkansas. The most
potent weapon in these campaigns was the
text of the actual U.S. and UNESCO
documents which boldly presented the true
agenda behind the proposed designations.
Also of tremendous value were maps
depicting how such sites can be used in
implementing the Wildlands scheme.
Citizen groups in Kentucky, where three
Biosphere Reserves have been created, used
the same documentation to convince their
state Senate to pass a unanimous
Resolution in June 1997 condemning MAB:
"The General Assembly of the Commonwealth
of Kentucky is unalterably opposed to the
inclusion of any land within the borders
of the Commonwealth within the purview of
the Biodiversity Treaty or any
biodiversity program without the express
consent of the General Assembly of the
Commonwealth of Kentucky, as provided by
the Constitution of the United States and
the Constitution of Kentucky."
The Clinton Administration's blatant
effort to subvert the rule of law
concerning land-use policy in Yellowstone
angered conservative members of Congress.
Earlier this year, Congressman Don Young
(R-AK) introduced H.R. 901, the American
Lands Sovereignty Protection Act, a bill
intended to preserve the sovereignty of
the United States over public lands and
acquired lands owned by the United States,
and to preserve state sovereignty and
private property rights in non-federal
lands surrounding those public and
acquired lands. The bill has 168
co-sponsors and specifically mandates
that:
· Any nominated World Heritage Site get
congressional approval before it is so
designated.
· Designation of a given site be
prohibited if the Department of the
Interior finds that any viable
commercial activity will be harmed
within the site or a ten-mile buffer
zone around the proposed site.
· The impact of such a designation on
any natural resource utilization be
defined.
· Federal officials refrain from
nominating any new Biosphere Reserves as
a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve.
· Protection be extended to cover
non-federal lands intermixed or
surrounding a designated World Heritage
Site.
Buffeted by public outcry, UNESCO and the
U.S. Park Service have furiously
back-pedaled. Paragraph 14 of the World
Heritage Operational Guidelines
¾ which
mandates the use of secrecy in nominating
sites and excludes local participation in
deliberations ¾
was mysteriously excised from UNESCO's
January 1997 revision of the Operational
Guidelines. The U.S. Park Service also
conducted a literal whitewash of the whole
operation: It quietly painted over and
reversed all the Park Service entrance
signs which had included Word Heritage
Site or Biosphere Reserve designations.
Tools for Tyranny
The means that have been used in pursuit
of the UN/IUCN Wildlands Project have been
unconstitutional and conspiratorial. The
secrecy is understandable: Each time local
citizens have been informed of the full
extent of the Biosphere Reserve, World
Heritage, and related programs, they have
been able to effectively stop their
implementation. The role of informed
citizens in throwing obstacles in the path
of the march to global governance has
repeatedly vindicated Thomas Jefferson's
belief that there is "no safe depository
of the ultimate powers of the society but
by the people themselves. And if we think
them not enlightened enough to exercise
their control with a wholesome discretion,
the remedy is not to take it from them but
to inform their discretion by education."
But stopping the march to global
governance won't happen unless principled
Americans unite, get the facts straight,
and expose the Wildlands Project, Agenda
21, the World Heritage Convention, the
Biosphere Reserve program, and related
endeavors as lethal threats to our
independence and constitutional order.
¾ MICHAEL
S. COFFMAN, PHD
Dr. Coffman,
an environmental consultant, is
the executive director of
Sovereignty International. He is
the author of Saviors of the Earth
(see ad on next page) and The Dawn
of Aquarius or the Twilight of a
New Dark Age?
Globalized Grizzlies originally
appeared in the August 18, 1997
issue of THE NEW AMERICAN.
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