Our Klamath Basin
Water Crisis
Upholding rural Americans' rights to grow food,
own property, and caretake our wildlife and natural resources.
White House as Originator and Promoter of Klamath Basin AgreementsSeptember 8, 2016 by Lawrence Kogan —— Bio and Archives , Canada Free Press Lawrence Kogan recently served as special counsel to the Klamath Irrigation District where he was tasked, in part, with generally addressing Klamath Basin Agreement matters. Mr. Kogan also recently served as special counsel to Siskiyou County addressing Amended KHSA matters. He is managing principal of the Kogan Law Group, P.C. of New York, NY Klamath Basin groups claiming to represent the majority of Klamath Basin residents, such as the Klamath Water Users Association (“KWUA”)1 and the Family Farm Alliance (“FFA”),2 have long perpetuated the lie that the Klamath Basin Agreements will benefit ALL Basin residents. The first two of these agreements had been initially proposed during the Bush administration3 in an effort assist Klamath irrigators resolve longstanding science and water delivery disputes with environmentalists and tribal communities. Now, these and several additional new agreements are being non-transparently driven by the Obama administration,4 which secures non-disclosure agreements from “secret meetings”5 participants to ensure they remain silent about the preferences the agreements contain in favor of Native American Tribes and the environmental community.6 The evidence clearly shows that these groups will stop at nothing to keep their false and deceptive narrative alive. The Klamath Basin Agreements include:
Given the KBRA’s expiration, its proponents within and outside of federal, state and local government have since endeavored to reinsert portions of the agreement into transitional “placeholder” Congressional legislation until additional agreements can be executed. A prime example of this effort is the Wyden-Merkley Amendment (Senate Amendment (S.A.) 3288),12 which is a proposed amendment to S.A. 2953,13 proposed to S. 2012, the massive U.S. Senate Energy bill.14 As Article II of the KPFA reveals, S.A.3288 was first introduced into Congress on February 4, 2016, and was in the process of being evaluated by a U.S. House-Senate Conference Committee when Congress recessed in early August. The Wyden-Merkley Amendment would add new Section 4 “Power and Water Management” to the Klamath Basin Water Supply Enhancement Act of 2000.15 If passed and enacted into law as part of the massive Senate energy bill, S.A. 3288 would appropriate congressional monies to support certain favored activities in which local irrigators would engage to fulfill the objectives of these agreements, as well as, specially designated irrigation-related monies (federal subsidies) to financially reward those supporting farmers. It is believed by political insiders that, if the Wyden-Merkley Amendment or S.2012 is defeated in committee, S.A.3288 will somehow find its way undetected into the 1,000 page-plus omnibus federal government spending bill that Congress will likely pass sometime during its brief lame-duck session this coming fall. The Myth of Wyden-MerkleyThe KWUA’s Executive Director discussed the Wyden-Merkley Amendment’s mythical benefits in the July 7 issue 16of the Capital Press (“CP”). There, he addressed Klamath Basin farmers as if they were children, waxing poetically about the benefits that S.A. 3288 would provide them if only they would continue to “believe.”17 KWUA and some FFA members have long shamelessly misrepresented that the passage of S.A.3288 would bring all things good18 to Klamath Basin farmers, including community respect and untold government welfare benefits. Many will recall how charlatan tailors had similarly persuaded the Emperor in Hans Christian Andersen’s The Emperor’s New Clothes19 to walk naked through his kingdom convinced he had been wearing the most magnificent invisible clothing money could buy that would earn him the respect and adulation of his loyal subjects. Wyden-Merkley’s named authors and sponsors,20 Oregon’s largely invisible congressman who secretly undermines Oregon irrigators’ property rights21 and California’s misguided D.C. congressional liaison22 have continued telling stories to their constituents about how S.A. 3288 will deliver benefits beyond their wildest expectations. These persons also have tried to extinguish my effort to shed some truth on the matter. For example, they quickly dismissed as unnecessary the direct and express language changes to Wyden-Merkley23 I had previously recommended to ensure after-the-fact congressional review and ratification of the non-transparently developed Amended KHSA and new KPFA. They reasoned that the bill’s “savings” clause (Para. 2, p. 3)24 would allegedly prevent the Secretary from “carry[ing] out activities that have not otherwise been authorized.” Yet, readers, by now, should realize, following Congress’ rejection of the KBRA this past January, that each of these agreements was carefully crafted with the intent of being executed without congressional review and ratification!25 Wyden-Merkley Doesn’t DeliverAs I had explained in the June 23rd issue of the CP, the Wyden-Merkley Amendment is the proverbial ‘Dog that ‘Don’t Hunt.’26 First, the Wyden-Merkley paragraph (Para. 1, p. 2)27 immediately preceding the paragraph containing the Amendment’s savings clause will operate upon passage to authorize the congressional appropriations needed to implement the policy objectives of the UKBCA and the defunct KBRA, the latter of which has since been inserted, in part, into both the Amended KHSA and the new KPFA. Such authorization, in turn, will potentially funnel financial benefits through the Bureau of Reclamation (“BOR”) to at least some supportive Klamath Basin farmers. Second, the Amendment text elsewhere shows how its authors knew very well how to require Congress’ authorization of Interior Secretary actions when it wanted to do so. For example, on the same page (p. 3),28 the Amendment’s text clearly shows that its authors and sponsors had required express congressional authorization before the Interior Secretary could proceed to undertake other designated actions. To wit, “Nothing in subparagraph (A) or (B) of paragraph (1) authorizes the Secretary to (A) to develop or construct new facilities for the Klamath Project without appropriate approval from Congress under Section 9 of the Reclamation Projects Act of 1939 (43 U.S.c. 485h)[.]” Clearly, Wyden-Merkley’s authors knew how, but chose not, to require congressional review and ratification following the execution of the Amended KHSA and new KPFA, and they continue to anguish over the disclosure of this fact. Wyden-Merkley’s Fabled BenefitsMy June 23 CP article, moreover, strongly suggested that the congressionally appropriated funding the Wyden-Merkley Amendment would ensure for all supportive Klamath Basin farmers and ranchers won’t fully materialize because there simply is not enough guaranteed money to go round. Indeed, Klamath Basin Agreement proponents should immediately stop counting their promised government “gold” lest the Department of Interior (“DOI”), itself, may steal it away29 for other budgetary uses when they aren’t looking! In fact, most of the DOI monies budgeted for the Klamath Basin during FYs 2012-2017 30 have been allocated to DOI’s BOR, Bureau of Indian Affairs (“BIA”) and Fish & Wildlife Service (“FWS”) for purposes of funding Klamath Basin [wildlife] restoration and tribal settlement activities (vis-à-vis the Basin Agreements), rather than for productive Klamath Project irrigation-related activities.31 Surely, reasonable persons must realize that the welfare benefits (write-offs of Reclamation debt) the BOR would seek on Klamath Project irrigators’ behalf to build DOI’s desired fish entrainment facilities will severely curtail water flows into the Project, impair farmers’ and ranchers’ right to economic freedom32 and actually harm rather than benefit their economic interests! My June 23rd CP article also described how Wyden-Merkley’s passage and enactment into law as part of the Senate Energy bill would provide substantially subsidized federal infrastructure funding exclusively to the Tulelake Irrigation District (“TID”) as compensation for TID, KWUA and FFA patron support. Such funding would materialize aside from the federal funding that would be made available to TID thru Paragraph H of the Amended KHSA’s Appendix E,33 in amount equal to 10% of net wildlife refuge lease revenues. In addition, my article identified how other federal government monies (personal financial benefits) would be lavished upon only those few remaining Klamath Basin farmers who Interior Department mandarins34 (including key BOR lawyers35 and contractors36) deem as having exceptionally supported these agreements. The KPFA Actually Diminishes Project Irrigator Water and Land RightsDOI’s recently executed Klamath Power and Facilities Agreement (“KPFA”) has little to nothing to do with electrical power. Yet the lofty language contained in its recitals37 reveals misrepresentations similar to those contained in the Wyden-Merkley Amendment discussed above. The DOI has employed such language to cover up the impossibility of protecting Klamath Project irrigator water and land rights against the onslaught of Endangered Species Act (“ESA”) regulatory impositions the new agreement anticipates, as well as, the unanticipated tribal water right challenges that have since come to light. In particular, KPFA Section II.B.1 warns of the potentially severe and costly regulatory restrictions that will be imposed on Klamath Project irrigators as the result of the planned “introduction or reintroduction of species not currently present in the Upper Klamath Basin,” and substantial related “habitat restoration activities or programs.” The net effect of these impositions will be the diminishment, if not, the total elimination of many irrigators’ “ability to divert or use or dispose of water or the ability to utilize land productively.” Fortunately, KPFA Section II.B.2.c largely spares TID patrons from this horrible fate! KPFA Section II.B.2.a pretends to assure non-TID Project water users and land owners that the DOI’s FWS and Department of Commerce (“DOC”)‘s National Marine Fisheries Service (“NMFS”) and corresponding state agencies have made a binding commitment “to take every reasonable and legally permissible step to avoid or minimize any adverse impact” arising from regulations or other legal or funding obligations associated with the “introduction or reintroduction of” such species (KPFA Section II.B.2.b). In furtherance of this end, the KPFA makes a half-hearted attempt to secure some financial relief for Project irrigators. It does so by requiring all non-Federal Parties to support Interior Department requests for congressional appropriations that the BOR could then use to extend non-reimbursable loans to irrigation districts and their contractors for purposes of evaluating, designing, constructing, replacing, enlarging and maintaining entrainment reduction facilities at specified Klamath Project diversion points (KPFA Section II.B.2.b.i). Since there is no guarantee that these monies can ever be secured, the KPFA declines to discuss the ratio of non-reimbursable to overall funding, and holds the Interior Department harmless if it is unable to obtain such appropriations (KPFA Section IV.A.3). The KPFA imposes multiple conditions that Klamath Basin irrigators must satisfy to obtain these putative pecuniary benefits. KPFA Section II.C requires allegiance to and support for the Wyden-Merkley Amendment or any comparable legislation containing similar authorizations and activities for implementation. KPFA Section III.C requires Klamath Basin farmers and ranchers to commit “to engage in good faith efforts to develop and enter into a subsequent agreement or agreements pertaining to other water, fisheries, land, agriculture, refuge and economic sustainability issues in the Klamath Basin with the goal to complete such agreement or agreements within the next year” (emphasis added). Furthermore, KPFA Section IV.A.2 requires Klamath Basin farmers to pledge their allegiance to the Amended Klamath Hydroelectric Settlement Agreement (“KHSA”) the primary purpose of which is to facilitate Klamath River dam removal (Amended KHSA, 11th recital paragraph). The Amended KHSA Actually Diminishes Project Irrigator Water and Land RightsAmended KHSA Section 6.2.2 reserves to DOI’s FWS and DOC’s NMFS the right to reassess, until dam decommissioning (anticipated to take place by year-end 2016),38 PacifiCorp’s “Interim Conservation Plan measures” for protecting the coho salmon and sucker species identified in Amended KHSA Appendix C. This reassessment can take place incident to these Agency Services voluntarily “reinitiating consultation [under ESA Section 7] on any final biological opinion pursuant to applicable implementing regulations.” Yet, it remains more than possible that third parties can compel FWS and NMFS to reinitiate such ESA interagency consultation. This could occur if third parties forcefully allege that the 2013 joint Biological Opinion39 governing Upper Klamath Lake and Klamath River levels and flows, or the agencies’ implementation of it, has harmed such parties’ interests. Depending on the circumstances, therefore, the text of the Amended KHSA can reasonably be understood as rendering these federal agencies unwilling and/or unable to protect Klamath Project irrigator water and land rights. A close examination of the Amended KHSA’s 10th recital paragraph reveals the latter scenario. It reaffirms the Obama administration’s view that the primary purpose of facilitating the Klamath dam removals partially fulfills the agreement’s secondary purpose of facilitating a tribal settlement that “advances the trust obligation of the United States to protect Basin Tribes’ federally reserved fishing and water rights in the Klamath and Trinity River Basins” (emphasis added). The Tribal & Environmentalist Threat to Project Irrigator Water and Land RightsIndeed, during the past several months, three California-based federally recognized tribes (the Hoopa Valley Tribe40(5-17-16), the Yurok Tribe41 and the Karuk Tribe42 (6-24-16)) filed with BOR and NMFS 60-day notices of intent-to-sue under the citizen suit provisions of the ESA. These notices, which challenge the BOR’s implementation of the 2013 joint FWS-NMFS BiOps and invoke ESA Sections 7, 9 and 11, allege that greater than anticipated numbers of coho salmon are dying from C Shasta bacteria triggered by lower than required water levels in the Klamath River. Their ultimate aim is to amend the BiOps to curtail water diversions from Upper Klamath Lake to the Klamath Project. Environmental activist group Earthjustice43 has since (7-20-16) filed another 60-day notice of intent-to-sue alleging similar ESA violations on behalf of three California-based fisherman conservation organizations. In addition to asserting violations of these ESA provisions, the Hoopa Valley and Yurok notices also allege that the U.S. government has failed to uphold its federal trust obligation to protect the tribes’ off-reservation fishing rights and their allegedly related water right to instream flows sufficient to support those fish. The off-reservation fishing and water rights these two federally recognized tribes have asserted are significant primarily because their reservations44 are located at least 240 miles southwest of Upper Klamath Lake.45 Their significance also resides in their similarity to the June and July 2015 water claims the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes (“CSKT”) of the Flathead Reservation46 in northwestern Montana had filed with the Montana Water Court following the April 2015 enactment of the highly controversial CSKT Water Compact47 into Montana State law. Viewed most positively, the CSKT’s July 2015 claims reflect a Tribal off-reservation federal reserved water right comprising approximately one-fifth (20%) of Montana’s instream flows!48 Viewed most negatively, the CSKT’s July 2015 claims reflect a potentially far greater Tribal off-reservation federal reserved water right comprising approximately two-thirds (66%) of Montana’s instream flows!!49 Clearly, the Tribes’ more extensive June 2015 claims are intended to intimidate Montana irrigators, landowners and business owners into ending their opposition to the CSKT Water Compact. As I very recently explained in a detailed legal memorandum50 and accompanying transmittal letters dated September 6, 2016 addressed to Montana U.S. Senator Jon Tester51 and twelve other Congressional members, including House and Senate Committee and Subcommittee Chairs,52 the July 2015 CSKT claims are generally consistent with the off-reservation federal reserved instream water rights recognized in S.3013 - The Salish and Kootenai Water Rights Settlement Act of 2016. S.3013 is a bill recently introduced in Congress to ensure congressional ratification and Presidential enactment of the CSKT Water Compact into federal law.53 CSKT water rights are then effectively extended by the tribal forestry management provisions contained within several forestry bills working their way through Congress (S.3014—The Tribal Forestry Participation and Protection Act of 2016; H.R. 2647—The Resilient Federal Forests Act of 2015; and S.3085 - The Emergency Wildfire and Forest Management Act of 2016.). These three tribal forestry bills would similarly confer upon the Hoopa Valley, Yurok and Karuk Tribes the legal authority to treat “Federal forest land” as “Indian forest land” for purposes of planning and conducting management activities. Management authority and effective regulatory control would be granted to these tribes over forest lands and appurtenant water resources, “if the Federal forest land is located within, or mostly within, a geographical area that presents a feature or involves circumstances principally relevant to that Indian tribe.”54 The federally recognized but reservation-less Klamath Tribes would likely be eligible to manage forests lands ceded to them by treaty, located within the boundaries of their former reservation and/or adjudicated as part of their tribal homeland, while the non-federally recognized Karuk Tribe need only show an adjudication holding that specified forest lands comprise part of their tribal homeland.55 Were HR.2647 and S.3085 to pass Congress and be enacted into law, these tribes would potentially be able to assume management and regulatory control over the Winema National Forest, the Klamath National Forest and the Shasta-Trinity National Forest,56 with other area tribes assuming management and regulatory control of other national forests located within the Basin. The three California-based tribes and the Oregon-based Klamath Tribes had previously employed water claim filing intimidation tactics similar to those used by the CSKT, though they bore much less dire consequences. They asserted extensive off-reservation federal and state water right claims that the Oregon Water Resources Department then approved and filed with the Klamath County Circuit Court,57 which have since been placed in a state of suspended animation without a Court stay ever having been issued. The promoters of the Klamath Basin Agreements have worked during the past eight years to frighten Klamath Basin irrigators into submission—i.e., into believing that if they did not sign these Agreements so they could be implemented, the Court’s administration of these claims would proceed. The problem, all along, has been that the Basin Agreements’ implementation could be disrupted by nonparties such as the Hoopa Valley Tribe which, on July 29, 2016, filed its threatened lawsuit against BOR and NMFS.58 Interior Secretary Unwilling and Unable to Protect Project Irrigator Water and Land RightsFinally, the Hoopa Valley and Yurok Tribe’s federal claims are significant because the Hoopa Valley Tribe has long been an articulate,59 outspoken60 and litigious61 nonparty critic of the Klamath Basin Agreements, while the Yurok Tribe, a party signatory, has never been precluded by Klamath Basin Restoration Agreement (“KBRA”) Section 15.3.662 from tying tribal water right claims to ESA violation claims. Earthjustice, an adversarial and litigious environmental group, is also a nonparty to the agreements. Unfortunately, the DOI is loath to publicly admit it is without leverage to protect Klamath Project irrigator water and land rights against these threats of litigation. Considering the KPFA and Amended KHSA texts discussed above, it should now be quite clear that the promised benefits of these agreements are far less than have been advertised, and may never materialize at all. Klamath Basin farmers and ranchers must, therefore, revisit their irrational fear of claims adjudication and dismiss the idea of an “easy” political settlement. They must quickly wise up and legally defend their water and associated land rights against such tribal and environmental group aggression before it is too late. Illegal and Bad Behaviors Compromise Traditional American Neighborly ValuesBased on my brief experience in the Klamath Basin, there are not many small farmers and ranchers who could be characterized as having so exceptionally supported the Basin Agreements to qualify for the welfare benefits public officials have promised. Presumably, the “exceptional supporters” would include predominantly the larger basin farms and ranches that also benefited the most from the more than $38 million of federal payments improperly funneled through the now-defunct Klamath Water and Power Agency (“KWAPA”) from 2008-2015. As the local media reported, whistleblower information63 had prompted a federal investigation of KWAPA in late June 2015 by the U.S. Office of Special Counsel (“OSC”),64 an independent federal investigative and prosecutorial agency.65 OSC concluded that, “there is a substantial likelihood that information provided [by the Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (“PEER”)] to OSC discloses a violation of law, rule, or regulation; gross mismanagement; and a gross waste of funds.” (emphasis added).66 Shortly thereafter, KWAPA’s former Executive Director was dismissed67 and reinstated.68 Following the completion of its KWAPA investigation, OSC turned the case over to the Interior Department’s Office of the Inspector General69 where it remains “parked.”70 In March 2016, KWAPA’s reinstated former Executive Director released “Final Financial Status and Progress Reports”71 covering the period spanning 2008-2015 that coincided with the tenures of two former Chairmen of the Board72 who were then also simultaneously sitting on the KID and KWUA Boards of Directors. The report cited a number of Oregon law and/or ethics violations73 that could possibly have been addressed by the OSC investigation. It is highly likely that those who had significantly influenced the operations of, and/or those who had benefited from the activities of, KWAPA74 are the same individual TID,75 KID,76 KWUA,77 and FFA78 leaders,79 patrons and/or contractors who have since successfully, divided local Klamath Basin communities and transformed a high level Basin Agreement public policy debate into a defamatory personal fight. With the apparent behind-the-scenes cooperation and assistance of the local and regional offices of the BOR and of blatantly biased local media reporting,80 former and current minority KID Board members and their supporting patrons have worked feverishly to reclaim political and financial control over the District. As the direct result of their efforts, KID business has been disrupted at considerable patron expense, KID Board majority member-supporting patrons have been repeatedly harassed and intimidated, majority KID Board members and counsels have been compelled to address specious allegations contained in Oregon Ethics Commission and Oregon Bar complaints, and KID Board majority members have faced a malicious Oregon recall petition effort launched by former KID Board members.81 These persons also engaged in such tactics largely to tortiously interfere with my legal representation of the District82 so that the Klamath Basin Agreements would proceed forward, and to prevent revelation of their prior questionable KID Board-related activities. Sadly, by using their public offices to promote their personal interests, alienating members of their local communities, and pursuing this illusory financial bounty, Klamath Basin Agreement proponents have lost not only their grip on reality, but also their traditional American83 common sense neighborly values.84 This is the greatest tragedy of all. ENDNOTES
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